The Miseducation of Dallas County: The Politics of Propaganda

Episode three of The Miseducation of Dallas County dives into the Dallas Independent School District’s vote to fast track the renaming process for four elementary schools: Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson, William L. Cabell, and Albert Sidney Johnston. These schools were chosen because each of these men were generals in the Confederacy, and these schools arose out of very specific and rather divisive political eras. And in order to understand why it was necessary to undo the actions of older generations, we have to revisit them.

Don’t Want to Listen? Read the Full Podcast Below:

I don’t need to tell you how divisive political discourse can get these days.

I don’t want to change the names of Robert E. Lee or Stonewall Jackson or any other name of the Civil War period.

But I should probably mention that not all the views contained herein reflect the ideals and values of the Commit Partnership.

In my opinion these measures do nothing but create division cynically reopening scars of discord for partisan political gain.

It’s no secret my own personal views are going to affect the way I cover any topic.

And you restrict our school choices for a new name in way that no other school has been restricted.

But I do want to make clear my aim here is not to win an argument, but provide a historical context to a policy decision that has already been made.

Those are just political terms and talking points that sound good on paper if crafted and embellished by a skilled writer.

And my hope is, regardless of personal beliefs,

What, are you going to take down our American flag and our state flag too?

anyone can come away from the next half hour with an enhanced understanding of the facts surrounding this decision.

Changing names now after almost 80 years is like deciding to change the name of the cat or dog or cow to something else some committee will decide on.

But I also need to warn you, this discussion contains language and descriptions of violence that may not be suitable for small children.

Now none of these facts matter to those proponents of name change. To them Jackson and Lee are flat, one-dimensional characters unambiguously evil and wholly irredeemable. It’s simple to think that way. Name changes are after all the easiest form of expression for race-centric social justice warriors-
Thank you Mr. Wolf, your time has expired.

On September 28th, 2017, the Dallas Independent School District took a vote to fast track the renaming process for four elementary schools: Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson, William L. Cabell, and Albert Sidney Johnston. These schools were chosen because each of these men were generals in the Confederacy. The school district elected to waive the normal renaming process because it could take a year or longer, and might result in a name staying the same. And in the wake of events in Charlottesville and elsewhere around the country, this was deemed, unanimously, to be unacceptable.

But that unanimity among the elected officials was not shared by all of their constituents.

Your resolution creates a new and separate set of rules,
As a boy my biggest heroes Robert E Lee and Harriet Tubman.
treating us like no other Dallas school community has ever been treated.
Andrew Jackson and Jesse Jackson Mr. October himself from the New York Yankees.
By focusing on school names you implicitly treat the black community is infantile and inferior,
and I wanna repeat, all the other school communities in the district to operate the old rules, but not us,
incapable of emotional strength to deal with an unpleasant history.
we get different rules.
That’s because loving America didn’t make you a racist.

This school board meeting had more attendees than any other that year, and of the handful who came to oppose the changes, one distinct theme emerged.

Political, everything’s political now.
Political, Identity politics
The charged political component of this issue is an adult issue, not a child’s issue, and it’s not fair to them. (1)

And that much is true. The kids that attend these schools find themselves directly affected by political decision-making they had no part in. But that didn’t start when people started calling for a change. Every child who has passed through the doors of each of these four schools (one of which is nearly one hundred years old) has unwittingly and unwillingly been shaped by another politically motivated act: the choice of these names in the first place.

Edwin Flores: I was completely against this, by the way. But because of these particular schools, that were built in the late 50s after Brown versus Board of Education, the names selected were purposeful. They were purposeful to poke the eye of the Supreme Court and say “hey Supreme Court we’re going to do what we’re going to do here in Dallas, Texas” and very very specifically, it’s very interesting that the names of Confederate generals were chosen during this very very narrow period of time. I mean, this was a purposeful decision, and that is what changed my mind. (2)

That’s school board trustee Edwin Flores, discussing the two schools that are in his district, Cabell and Johnston, and the very political circumstances which led to their names being chosen.

As it turns out, both these schools and the two others arose out of very specific and rather divisive political eras. And in order to understand why it was necessary to undo the actions of older generations, we have to revisit them.

History is history. Trying to erase it is a dangerous undertaking leaving wide open the possibility of repeating itself. (3)

I couldn’t agree more. I’m Joshua Kumler, and this is the Miseducation of Dallas County, powered by Commit.

Part One:

April 2nd, 1921. The Trinity River bottoms. Midnight.

Alexander Johnson was a bell boy at the Adolphus Hotel. He was kidnapped, after allegedly bragging of sexual relations with white guests. For that, he was being branded, by acid, with the letters KKK. (4)

In total, there were eighteen: the victim, two reporters brought along to publicize the deed, and fifteen men, business leaders, police officers, all wearing white hoods. (5)

One of them was dentist Hiram Wesley Evans. (6)

There is no hatred in my heart for any individual, nationality or race upon the face of the earth today. I love all humanity; for that reason my supreme love is for America. (7)

October 24th, 1923. Klan day at the Texas State Fair.

I believe that the safeguarding of sacred traditions can be accomplished only by keeping our citizenship at the highest level of intelligence and health and virtue. Therefore I stand for the survival of the fittest in this nation, because that means material and moral blessings for all the world.

Over 150,000 people had gathered from across the state to hear Evans, now Imperial Grand Wizard for the entire country, deliver a speech entitled “The Menace of Modern Immigration.” (8)

The immigrant must be the right racial and national stock. Ninety percent of the alien influx have neither our home standards, nor in most cases the desire to attain them. They are the tenement herd.

In two short years, Evans and his associates had become the political kingmakers of Dallas. Through a grassroots campaign carried out in 1922, Dallas Klan members (or at least men who condoned them) were elected to the state legislature, judgeships, county commissioners court, and even a U.S. senate seat. In 1923, they did the same for every citywide position. (9)

Together, the South with its negro problem, and the New York-New England section with its hordes of inferior immigrants, are largely responsible for much of the political prostitution that is now a curse to our country.

In another year, the Klan’s nationwide prominence would severely diminish, thanks in large part to a murder carried out by Nathan Fox, a friend of Evans and former editor of the Dallas Times Herald. (10)

The low mentality of savage ancestors, of jungle environment, is inherent in the bloodstream of the colored race in America. There could never be intermarriage between whites and blacks without God’s curse upon our civilization. There is not a semblance of racial hate in my heart. I say all this because it is the truth, and must be said.

But back in Dallas, the same slate of municipal candidates once again dominated in 1925, (11) despite a prolonged public relations campaign carried out against the organization by the Dallas Morning News. And the reasoning behind their criticism underscores the essential nature of the conflict. (12)

This exhibition bore false witness against Dallas. White supremacy is not imperiled. For the original Ku Klux Klan there was some reason for existence. There is no occasion for the revival of it now. (13)

So what we have, then, are two political factions arguing not over the value of white supremacy, but rather the most effective means of preserving it. The more business-friendly political methods eventually won, but not before the Klan installed sympathetic officials into City Hall, the Police Department, and even the school board. (14)

And in 1926, the name Robert E. Lee was chosen for a new elementary school “because he represented the highest type of manhood.” (15)

Part Two:

It was an early age that my eyes were aroused against prejudice. (16)

The following is read from the Oral History of A Maceo Smith. Smith was a community organizer with the NAACP, who came to Dallas in 1933 to help revive the moribund Negro Chamber of Commerce.

You had very little… no articulation of blacks with the on-going of the city. I mean, it was you have your little thing on this side of town and white folks on the other side of town. And the twain didn’t meet. Just weren’t involved.

Smith sought to change that, and soon found the perfect opportunity to provide the Dallas African American community with a major platform: the upcoming Texas Centennial. He collaborated with legendary Texas folklorist John Mason Brewer on a presentation to the Texas Legislature.

When they opened up, the chairman said to me “We can’t give you but twenty minutes.” I said “Well, thank you very much.” And I talked for forty five minutes, then said “Sir, I’m sorry.” And he said “Go on. You’re the only one who makes it seem like there should be a celebration.” To make a long story short, we were very well received.

But they were interested in more than just this symbolic victory. They wanted real political agency, too. That same year, a special election was called to fill a vacancy in the Texas Legislature, and sixty-five candidates entered the race. One was Ammon S. Wells, an African American whose campaign was managed by Smith.

Well, this was at the same time that we were trying to get this money to set up Negro participation at the Centennial. And some of the key leaders – whose names I rather not, for history’s sake – came, called us in and said, ‘Now, you boys want, you know, the Negro’s participation; well, if you pull this black out of the race, you see, why, you’ll get your money.’ Well, the two key campaign managers of Wells’ program was a Rev. Maynard H. Jackson and myself. So we declined and went ahead and pursued our efforts.

Interviewer: Let me interrupt you just one moment. When you said the ‘key leaders’, who came to you with this offer? Did you mean the ‘key leaders’ in the legislature or from Dallas?

Smith: Dallas whites came to us and said this would stir up race hatred and all of that. We ain’t gon’ have no blacks- and I could use some other names that they said- in the Legislature, you know. They tried to get us first on the money and then trap us the other way but we stood firm and said no.

The city and state pulled all their funding for a Hall of Negro Life at the Texas Centennial. But Smith’s involvement in the project made him connections with some powerful Texans, one of whom was able to lobby Vice President John Nance Donald for the needed funds.

Since we had to get the money from outside rather than from Texas, Texas failed to play up the fact that we had a federal grant, but we used it to broaden our base of operation in spite of Texas’ failure.

But even more importantly, Amonn Wells came in sixth out of sixty five, losing by a difference of less than nine hundred votes. Dallas-area blacks had proven to be a powerful voting bloc, and Smith took advantage of this by forming the Progressive Voters League, registering voters and encouraging them to pay their poll tax.

So we ended up January 31, I believe, ‘37, with 5,000 blacks which the Dallas Journal – this was the evening paper – published the fact that there were 5,000 blacks registered. Well, this created quite a bit of excitement, because the total voting strength now in Dallas was about 30 or 35,000 – 5,000 of them blacks. Well, if you’ve got 5,000 and then you’ve got 5 or 8 tickets running for the council election, you know, well, you’ve got something. We had a little office up there in the Crawford Building. All the candidates and their tickets paid us a visit. They might not admit this ‘cause they ain’t never admitted walking up those stairs in that building. We didn’t invite them, but they’d see us and talk about the Negro vote and we’d give ‘em an hour. And one guy came in and handed us a ticket and said “Well boys, let’s make a short order. How much?” (chuckles)

I: What did he say?

S: He said “how much?”

I: How much?

S: Well he had been used to paying, you know.

I: Okay. And you told him what?

S: I said “sir our preacher here doesn’t curse, but I do,” and I used a few words.

I: That meant no? I guess?

S: Our platform was a five point deal. First was Negro police, you see.

I: Did you ask for a certain number or just…?

S: The privilege of being a policeman, you see? The next was a public housing program. We wanted a recreational center run by blacks, you see. We wanted a new high school, and wanted increased employment in city government. These were the five. We said “now gentlemen, what’s your position on these? It’s either yes or no only, because we have no other program.” Each of those tickets endorsed that total program. We won five seats out of that nine, and the whole five point program was carried out during that administration. Lincoln High School was a product of this. And by the way, this is the only breakthrough in 40 years. The Citizen’s Charter Association have won nine seats every time, but here was a majority.

I: They lost five.

S: That was when blacks steadied. Now this is something I think history should record because it was the result of people’s actions on the home front. (16)

By 1939, the African-American community had made huge strides from just a decade prior. The Wahoo Recreation Center for African Americans was opened up. Employment for blacks in city jobs increased by three hundred percent. And the horrific overcrowding at the Booker T. Washington school (which was then serving nineteen hundred students in a building meant for six hundred) would finally be addressed with the opening of Lincoln High School. (17)

But inevitably, reactionary hostility met every one of these advancements. Physical exams held for blacks seeking police jobs were met with protests and lawsuits. Increased housing opportunities were met with bombings. (18)

And the same year that Lincoln and black elementary school J.W. Ray were opened, another school for whites was built. And the name chosen for it was Stonewall Jackson, the quote “romantic figure of the War Between the States.” (19)

Part Three

Joshua Kumler: Well, and it’s interesting ‘cause you mentioned you started going to high school in 1954, which is when we think of Brown vs. Board of Education-
MB: Yeah.
JK: -but you did not ever go to a school that was integrated.
Margaret Benson: No, No I didn’t. Even in my high school days there weren’t any interactions with Caucasians.

This is Margaret Benson, a resident of the historic Tenth Street neighborhood and alumnus of Lincoln High School.

WT White was our superintendent and when Lincoln High School wanted to go to a certain area to play a white school out in the city, he did not give permission for that. So we were not considered as champs, ‘cause I think we would have whipped them. (laughter) We would have whipped them, but- as I started growing, start learning, then it kinda got, you know, it kinda did a little something to me, to know that these kids could have this and they’d have that. (20)\

W.T. White had been superintendent of the Dallas School District since 1945, and he held the same position until 1968, the longest tenure in the history of the district. (21) And at no point in that time did any truly meaningful integration occur. (22) Instead, in immediate response to the supreme court’s order to desegregate, the school board under White released a statement saying this:

This is a fine and progressive school system. It is going to do what it is told to do by the proper authorities, but this Board is insistent that before it directs any major change in the status of its schools, that its study and understanding of the problems involved shall be complete, and that its plans shall be worked out to the minutest detail. (23)

For White and his trustees, the “minutest detail” meant studying the “relative degree of preparedness” for teachers and students of different races, an attempt to demonstrate their incompatibility that completely ignoring the overcrowding and under-resourcing still prevalent at the African American schools. (24) That meant a survey for administrators filled with such leading questions as:

Classrooms, to be effective in the growth and development of learners, should be free of tensions. In an integrated classroom, tension _________. (25)

Somehow, these transparent tactics managed to keep federal overseers at bay. (26) The district’s high schoolers, on the other hand, could see right through it.

What he had to say to us it didn’t make sense to me, it was just some talk. Because he was not interested in us. He was there for his dollar. And he had some ugly words to say before he went out as superintendent. ‘Cause I was in high school then, and he wasn’t a nice person. (27)

Margaret graduated in 1958, four years after the desegregation order came down. In that time, not a single black Dallas student was admitted into a white school. (28) But in that same time, a number of new schools were constructed, and conspicuously, three were named for confederate generals: John B. Hood (which has since been changed), Albert Sidney Johnston, and William L. Cabell. (29)

Before any of this, however, White and his board had approved a number of new textbooks for use in the district, including the 1949 publication Tales of Texas, (30) which had its own unique spin to put on the events of the Civil War.

“Then came the sad days of the War between the States. Texas was in the South, so was under the flag of the Southern Confederacy. We now know that both sides were a little right and a little wrong, so we are glad to forget our family quarrel.” (31)

Part Four

Cicadas

Poison Spring, Arkansas. April 18th, 1864.

Major General Frederick Steele had lead his Union troops to the city of Camden, in an attempt to reach a larger battalion at Shreveport. But that group of federal soldiers had been defeated, and now Steele’s men were expected to sit tight deep into enemy territory, with an ever decreasing supply of food. (32)

There was corn to be foraged from nearby plantations, however. And so a detachment, led by Colonel James M. Williams, was sent off. Most of the group consisted of the First Kansas Colored, the first ever African American regiment to fight for the US Army. They were made up, predominantly, of former slaves who had once escaped this very region. (33)

The Confederates, still reeling from the loss of Camden, were able to anticipate this search for supplies, and put two thousand men between the detachment and their new base. Among them was Brigadier General William L. Cabell. (34)

What followed was a nightmare for the Union troops. Outnumbered and exhausted by food and sleep deprivation, Williams’ men were routed and had to quickly retreat. The First Kansas were on the front lines and sustained the most casualties. But the true horror came after the battle was over. (35)

The South considered the North’s conscription of their former slaves to be a “stupendous wrong against humanity,” and as such did not consider African-Americans worthy of being treated as prisoners of war. (36) Colonel Williams himself reported “many wounded men fell into the hands of the enemy, and they were murdered on the spot.” (37)

But for some under Cabell’s command, simply murdering wounded prisoners was not enough, and as they loaded up stolen wagons, they “entered with great gusto into a game” to see who crush the most black heads beneath their wheels. (38)

William L. Cabell, leader of those men, a man with an elementary school named after him in 1958 and still in use today, had this to say about it:

The number of killed of the enemy was very great, especially among the negroes. You could track our troops by the dead bodies lying on the ground. (39)

Epilogue

Bernadette Nutall: I get it, I understand, but until we are looking at economic development in sunny south Dallas, we’re looking at housing, when we stop redlining, until we stop some real issues, we’re just at the surface level, there’s some root issue problems.

This is Dallas school board trustee Bernadette Nutall.

A name is just a name change. People got to change, and move. We in America it’s bigger than that guys, it is bigger than that. We want justice for all too. It’s bigger than this name. (40)

It’s hard to argue with her logic. The same impulse that drives us to fight a historic injustice also calls us to solve major issues of the here and now. But according to historian and author Michael Phillips, whose work was instrumental to the creation of this creation, we can’t have one without the other.

Michael Phillips: No, it is a real change because the propaganda that those monuments represented, that the proper place of black people was in subordination to white people, is the reason you had white flight to the suburbs in Dallas in the first place. White people were taught to fear blackness and brownness, and that Confederate propaganda promoted that idea. And that’s what drained needed financial resources for the Dallas schools. And so the thing is totally connected. It’s an investment to remove this reinforcement of white supremacist ideas that leads to unequal school funding in the first place. And if you don’t have that discussion, that fear is never addressed. And as long as we keep saying “Well, it’s too divisive,” we’re never gonna get to do it, and we’ll always have these problems. (41)

The names we choose to honor shape our perception of what has value. And that perception, in turn, shapes our children. A study out of the Journal of Blacks in Higher Education found a correlation between the outcomes of African American middle and high schoolers, and their feelings about being black. (42) So what happens when we send black kids to a school named for a white supremacist, by white supremacists, for the purpose of perpetuating white supremacy?

I stand before you today representing all the little brown and black faces that walk into the building called Stonewall Jackson, my son was one. Based on our experience at Stonewall Jackson Elementary as African-Americans I strongly call on you to change the culture, environment, and the name quickly. Stonewall Jackson must change the name. My black child’s Stonewall Jackson experience was filled with racism, prejudices, and hate. I’ll list the few that he was called by his peers. My child. “All black kids are dumb. All black kids steal. All black kids stink. All black people can’t be leaders. Black people are stupid. Black people eat watermelon. One kid actually licked him and said, shockingly, “Chocolate? You don’t taste like chocolate.” These are my conversations in the evening. Imagine if this was your baby with these experiences you would want the name changed now. From the staff, my son was sent to the office twice over retaliating when he was consistently called a nigger. I was called for a meeting to label him as a behavioral risk. No. That’s the day I knew that I needed to withdraw my son from the stronghold Stonewall Jackson and it’s racist, vile prejudiced culture in the environment. There is no pride in saying he went to Stonewall Jackson. (43)

Acknowledgments and Footnotes

The Miseducation of Dallas County is powered by the Commit Partnership and produced by me, Joshua Kumler. It is executive produced by me, along with John Hill, Kathryn Mikeska, Rob Shearer. Mixed and mastered by Will Short. Music by Trevor Yokochi. Voice acting from Ana Hegedorn, Bailee Rayle, Braden Socia, Ryan Woods, and Carlee Kumler. Special thanks to Margaret Benson, Taylor Toynes, the staff at Bridwell, DeGolyer, and Fondren libraries at SMU, and as always, the seventh floor of the Central Dallas Public Library. Huge thanks to Michael Phillips, who trusted me with his research, even though it was raining. He has a book called White Metropolis that you really need to read. You can see all the times I cite him, and a bunch of other people, in the transcript on our website, commit2dallas.org. This podcast is dedicated to educators everywhere. The future is in your hands. Oh, and one last fact check from school board trustee Miguel Solis:

Miguel Solis: I do want to correct the record one of the speakers earlier said Jesse Jackson was Mr. October that was Reggie Jackson, make sure we’re clear on that. Thank you Mr. President. (44)

We’ll be back next month with more Miseducation.

(1) “September 28, 2017, Dallas ISD Board Meeting, Item 3 & 8 Public Forum (Speakers to Agenda Items).” Swagit, dallasisdtx.swagit.com/play/09282017-1388.
(2)“September 28, 2017, Dallas ISD Board Meeting, Item 7.13.”
Swagit, dallasisdtx.swagit.com/play/09282017-1388.
(3)“September 28, 2017, Dallas ISD Board Meeting, Item 3 & 8 Public Forum (Speakers to Agenda Items).” Swagit, dallasisdtx.swagit.com/play/09282017-1388.
(4)Dulaney, W. Marvin. “Whatever Happened to the Civil Rights Movement in Dallas, Texas?” Essays on the American Civil Rights Movement.
(5)“Police Department Klansmen” Earle Cabell Papers, Box 1, DeGolyer Library ;
“Klan Businesses” G.B. Dealey Papers, Dallas Historical Society
(6)Norris, Mark N. Saving society through politics: The Ku Klux Klan in Dallas, Texas, in the 1920’s. PhD dissertation.
(7)Evans, Hiram Wesley. The Menace of Modern Immigration. Bridwell Library, Special Collection.
(8)Payne, Darwin. “When Dallas Was the Most Racist City in America.” D Magazine, June 2017.
(9)Portz, Kevin G. “Political Turmoil in Dallas: The Electoral Whipping of the Dallas County Citizens League by the Ku Klux Klan, 1922.” Southwestern Historical Quarterly.
(10)Phillips, Joseph Michael. The Fire This Time: the Battle Over Racial, Regional, and Religious Identities in Dallas, Texas, 1860-1990. PhD dissertation.
(11)”Cits Snowed Under and Salted Down.” The Texas 100 Per Cent American, 7 Apr. 1923.
(12)Hill, Patricia Evridge. Dallas: The Making of a Modern City.
(13)”Dallas Slandered.” Dallas Morning News, 24 May 1921.
(14)”Introducing Our New School Board.” The Texas 100 Per Cent American.
(15)“Board Names School After Robert E Lee.” Dallas Morning News, 28 July 1928
(16)“A Maceo Smith, an Oral History Interview.” Audio excerpts available for download here: http://catalog.dallaslibrary.o... Transcript here: http://digital.utsa.edu/cdm/re... Full interview available through the Dallas Public Library – Central Branch – Dallas History and Archives
(17)Dulaney, W. Marvin. “The Progressive Voters League.” Dallas Reconsidered. Originally published in Legacies.
(18)Schutze, Jim. The Accomodation.
(19)“New Northeast Dallas School Named Jackson.” Dallas Morning News, 1 February 1939
(20)“The Oral History of Margaret Benson.” Commit, https://commit2dallas.org/podc...
(21)A Century of Class. Rose-Mary Rumbley
(22)Hason, Royce. “Power Failure: Public Education in Dallas.” Civic Culture and Urban Change: Governing Dallas.
(23)DISD School Board Minutes, 13 July 1955
(24)DISD School Board Minutes, 27 June, 24 Oct 1956
(25)DISD School Board Minutes, 22 May 1957
(26)McCorkle, Gerald Steward. Desegregation and Busing in the Dallas Independent School District. PhD dissertation.
(27)“The Oral History of Margaret Benson.”
(28)DISD School Board Minutes, 25 June 1958: “…at this time it [the DISD Board of Trustees] instructs the Superintendent of Schools of the Dallas Independent School District that there shall be no alteration of the present status regarding segregation of the races within the schools of the District for the school year beginning September, 1958.”
(29)“New Albert Sidney Johnston School” Dallas Morning News 2 Sept. 1956 ; “3 New School Buildings to be Operating Soon” Dallas Morning News 1 March 1958 ; “Schools Hold Dedications” Dallas Morning News 10 Nov. 1958
(30)DISD School Board Minutes
(31)Cox, Bertha Mae. True Tales of Texas.
(32)Richards, Ira Don. “The Battle of Poison Springs.” The Arkansas Historical Quarterly.
(33)Carle, Glenn L. “The First Kansas Colored.” American Heritage.
(34)Bailey, Anne J. “Was There a Massacre at Poison Spring?” Military History of the Southwest.
(35)Urwin, Gregory J.W. “‘We cannot treat negroes… as prisoners of war’: Racial Atrocities and Reprisals in Civil War Arkansas.” Civil War History.
(36)”The Slave Soldiers.” Washington Telegraph, 8 June 1864.
(37)Report of James M. Williams, 24 April 1864, United States War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, series 1, vol. 34, pt. 1
(38)Rea, Ralph R. Sterling Price, the Lee of the Southwest. : “My grandfather participated in the Battle of Poison Spring, and often he told how members of his own unit were detailed to drive the captured wagons out of the fields and onto the road. The drivers entered with great gusto into a game to see who could hit the most “nigger heads” with their wagon wheels.”
(39)Report of William L. Cabell, 20 April 1864, United States War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, series 1, vol. 34, pt. 1
(40)“September 28, 2017, Dallas ISD Board Meeting, Item 7.13.”
Swagit, dallasisdtx.swagit.com/play/09282017-1388.
(41)Interview with Dr. Michael Phillips. See also: White Metropolis: Race, Ethnicity, and Religion in Dallas, 1841-2001, The Fire This Time: the Battle Over Racial, Regional, and Religious Identities in Dallas, Texas, 1860-1990, and Dallas’ Gritty History: A Conversation on Race : https://vimeo.com/145794240 , https://vimeo.com/145827471 ,
(42)”Study Shows Strong Racial Identity Improves Academic Performance of Young Black Women.” The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, www.jbhe.com/2018/01/study-shows-strong-racial-identity-improves-academic-peformance-of-young-black-women/.
(43)”September 28, 2017, Dallas ISD Board Meeting, Item 3 & 8 Public Forum (Speakers to Agenda Items).” Swagit, dallasisdtx.swagit.com/play/09282017-1388.
(44)“September 28, 2017, Dallas ISD Board Meeting, Item 7.13.”
Swagit, dallasisdtx.swagit.com/play/09282017-1388.